Three years on
from the start of the upheaval which became known as the Arab Spring,
the Middle East is still in a state of flux. Rebellions have brought
down regimes, but other consequences have been far less predictable. The
BBC's Middle East correspondent Kevin Connolly sets out 10 unintended
outcomes.
1. Monarchies weather the storm
The royal families of the Middle East have had a pretty good
Arab Spring so far - rather better than some of them might have feared.
That's been as true in Jordan and Morocco as it's been in the Gulf. The
governments that have collapsed or wobbled were more or less modelled on
Soviet-style one-party states propped up by powerful security
establishments.
There's no one single reason for this of course. Bahrain has shown itself
ready to use heavy-handed security tactics
while others have deployed subtler measures - Qatar hiked public sector
salaries in the first months of upheaval. And of course the Gulf
Kingdoms effectively have exportable discontent - most lower-paid jobs
are done by migrant workers and if they start chafing about conditions
of work or political rights they can be sent home.
It's also possible that people feel a degree of attachment to
royal rulers that unelected autocrats can't match - however grand a
style they choose to live in.
2. US no longer calls the shots
The United States has not had a good Arab Spring. At the outset
it had a clear view of a rather stagnant Middle East in which it had
reliable alliances with countries like Egypt, Israel and Saudi Arabia.
It has
failed to keep up with events in Egypt which has elected an Islamist, Mohammed Morsi, and then seen him deposed by the army.
No-one can blame the Obama administration for failing to keep
up. It likes elections, but didn't like the result - a clear win for
the Muslim Brotherhood. And it doesn't like military coups (not in the
21st Century at least) but is probably comfortable enough with a
military-backed regime which wants to keep the peace with Israel.
America is still a superpower of course but it doesn't
dictate events in the Middle East anymore. It's not alone in that
failure - Turkey failed to pick the winning side in Egypt too and is
struggling with problematic relationships with rebels in Syria.
3. Sunni versus Shia
The speed with which unarmed protests against a brutal authoritarian government morphed into a
vicious civil war with sectarian overtones
in Syria has shocked everyone. There are rising tensions between Sunni
and Shia Muslims in many parts of the region, and Shia Iran and Sunni
Saudi Arabia are now effectively fighting a proxy war in Syria.
The deepening schism between the two branches of Islam has
led to startling levels of sectarian violence in Iraq too - it may yet
turn out to be one of the most important legacies of these years of
change in the Arab world.
4. Iran a winner
No-one would have predicted at the beginning of the Arab Spring
that Iran would gain from it. At the beginning of the process, it was
marginalised and crippled by sanctions imposed because of its nuclear
ambitions. Now it's impossible to imagine a solution in Syria without
Iranian agreement, and with
its presidency under new management its even talking to the world powers about that nuclear programme.
Saudi Arabia and Israel are both alarmed by America's
readiness to talk to Tehran - anything that puts those two countries on
the same side of an argument has to be pretty historic.
5. Winners are losers
Picking winners and losers in all this is tricky. Look at the
fate of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. When elections were held after
the toppling of Hosni Mubarak, it swept into power and after 80 years in
the shadows it finally appeared poised to remake the largest country in
the Middle East in its own image. Now its been
swept back out of power again
by the army and forced underground, with its senior leaders facing long
prison sentences. A year ago the Brotherhood looked like a winner. Not
any more.
That was bad news for the tiny, politically ambitious Gulf
Kingdom of Qatar which had backed the Brotherhood in Egypt's power
struggle. In the early stages of the Arab Spring, with Qatar backing the
Libyan rebels too, it appeared to have hit on a strategy for expanding
its regional influence. Not any more.
6. Kurds reap benefits
The people of Iraqi Kurdistan are starting to look like winners
though - and may even be on their way to achieving a long-cherished
dream of statehood. They live in the northern region of the country
which has oil and is developing independent economic links with its
powerful neighbour, Turkey. It has a flag, anthem and armed forces too.
The Kurds of Iraq may be a beneficiary of the slow disintegration of the country which no longer functions as a unitary state.
The future won't be trouble-free (there are Kurdish
populations in neighbouring Iran, Syria and Turkey too) but in Kurdish
cities like Irbil, people think the future looks brighter and freer.
That process began before the Arab Spring of course but the Kurds are
taking advantage of the mood of change sweeping the region to
consolidate changes that were already under way.
7. Women fall victim
Some of the outcomes of the Arab Spring (so far at least) have
been downright depressing. In the crowds in Tahrir Square at the
beginning of Egypt's uprising there were plenty of brave and passionate
women demanding personal freedoms alongside the political rights which
were the focus of the protests.
They will have been bitterly disappointed.
Stories of sexual assaults in public are frighteningly common and a Thomson-Reuters Foundation poll said Egypt was the
worst place in the Arab world to be a woman
- behind even Saudi Arabia. It scored badly for gender violence,
reproductive rights, treatment of women in families and inclusion in
politics and the economy.
8. Overrated power of social media?
At the beginning of the protest movements, there was a lot of
excitement in the Western media about the role of innovations like
Twitter and Facebook, partly because Western journalists like Twitter
and Facebook themselves.
Those new social media have an important role
in countries like Saudi Arabia, where they allow people to circumvent
the hidebound official media and start some kind of national debate.
They had a role at the beginning of the uprisings too, but
their use was confined largely to a well-educated and affluent (and
often multilingual) liberal elite and their views may have been
over-reported for a time. Those secular liberals after all were trounced
at the ballot box in Egypt. Satellite TV remains more important in
countries where many people can't read and write and don't have access
to the internet.
The story of
Bassem Youssef, the Egyptian heart-surgeon turned TV satirist,
sums it up. He did start by putting his material out on the internet
but became an international phenomenon when he switched to a TV channel.
He became known as the "Egyptian Jon Stewart".
An important difference is that Mr Stewart plies his trade in
the United States - Mr Youssef is going to have to tread rather
carefully under Egypt's new rulers just as he did under their Islamist
predecessors. Egyptians like to laugh; their leaders don't like to be
laughed at. Mr Youssef is currently off the air again.
9. Dubai property bounces back
The ramifications of events in the Middle East are still felt
far beyond the frontiers of the countries where they happen. There is a
theory that the
property market in Dubai has spiked
as wealthy individuals from destabilised countries like Egypt, Libya,
Syria and Tunisia seek a safe haven for their cash - and sometimes their
families. The effects could be felt further afield too in property
markets like Paris and London.
10. Back to the drawing board
A map of the Middle East that was drawn up by Britain and France in a secret carve-up half way through World War One
looks like it's unravelling.
That's when states like Syria and Iraq were created in their current
forms, and no-one knows whether they'll still exist in their current
forms as unitary states in, say, five years from now.
No-one can do much about it either - Libya showed the limits
of Western intervention where British and French air power could hasten
the demise of a hated old regime but couldn't make sure that it was
followed by democracy. Or even stability.
One old lesson - which the world is relearning - is that
revolutions are unpredictable and it can take years before their
consequences become clear.
European leaders should be ashamed by the paltry numbers of refugees from Syria they are prepared to resettle, human rights grou
EU failing Syria refugees - Amnesty
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